1776年7月4日是美国建国，然后经历从1775年至1783年长达8年的独立战争，迫使英国承认美国独立。为走出战争后经济危机和英国贸易禁运的带来的困境境，美国银行家、商人罗伯特·莫里斯建议政府派船到中国寻求新的商机，帮助美国渡过难关。这是一个发展中的国家，对一个发达国家的期盼。

“中国皇后号”，向大清致敬的美国船

说干就干，莫里斯联合纽约商界著名人士，投资12万美元，共同购置了一艘360吨的术制军舰，配有各种新式航海设备。为讨好中国，他们将这艘改装商船起名为“中国皇后号”（The Empress Of China）。莫里斯将从海军中挑选出来的格林聘为船长，并邀请山茂召作为他的商务代理人。

独立战争胜利的第二年，1784年1月30日，美国政府给该船颁发加盖了美利坚合众国大印的航海证书，因为无法估计到中国当时的国体政情，美国人在证书上空前绝后地写上了无数头衔：君主、皇帝、国王、亲王、公爵、伯爵、男爵、勋爵、市长、议员……为隆重起见，甚至连起航日期也精挑细选，最后选定了一个当时公认的“黄道吉日”：1784年2月22日——首任总统华盛顿的生日。一条中等级美国商船就这么冒险驶上了通往东方的航路。

今天的中国人了解“中国皇后号”多是通过美国人的一部专著。1984年美国费城海事博物馆，在纪念“中国皇后号”首航广州200周年的时候，出版了菲利普·查德威克·福斯特·史密斯《中国皇后号》一书。此书引起了早就忘了“中国皇后号”这件事的中国人的兴趣，2007年广州出版社出版了《中国皇后号》的中文版，公众这才知道，“海上丝绸之路”还有一段中美贸易传奇。

停泊在纽约的“中国皇后号”

那么，大清国与美国当时相互都有什么贸易需求呢？

据记载，当年“中国皇后号”载着473担两洋参、2600张毛皮、1270匹羽纱、26担胡椒、476担铅、300多担棉花及其他商品——驶向中国。后来，澳门出版《中国丛报》特别介绍过西洋参在中国销售的重要性：“产于鞑靼和美洲，从美洲又出产到中国，大多数医生把它看成灵丹妙药，也成为鞑靼皇帝的财物，每年赐给下面宠信的臣子……”，此后，美国商船，每来中国必定带西洋参到中国销售。

1784年8月，“中国皇后号”终于到了当时作为中国海上门户之一的澳门，在这里取得了一张盖有清廷官印的“中国通行证”，获准进入珠江，在大清领航员的带领下，“中国皇后号”经过一天的航行，抵达广州的黄埔港。“中国皇后号”呜礼炮十三响（代表当时美国的十三个州）。格林船长曾有一则这样的手记：“‘中国皇后号’荣幸地升起了在这海域从未有人升起或看见过的第一面美国国旗，这一天是1784年8月28日。”当时的两洋画家创作了一幅《“中国皇后号”到达广州》，记录下了这一中国美海上贸易的重要场景。

欧洲铜版画中的广州十三行风景

4个月后，“中国皇后号”的货物已全部脱手，并采办了一大批中国货：红茶2460担、绿茶562担、瓷器962担，还有大量丝织品、象牙扇、梳妆盒、手工艺品等等，船长格林本人，还购买了男士缎裤300余条、女士长袖无指手套600副、象牙扇100把。美国商人心满意足地踏上归程。

1785 年 5 月 11 日，“中国皇后号”回到纽约，往返历时 15 个月。“中 国 皇后号 ”回到纽约后，立刻刊登出售 中 国商品的广告。结果， 12 万美元购得的中国货，立即销售一空。华盛顿本人也购买了 302 件瓷器及绘有图案的茶壶、精美象牙扇等中国货。这些物品仍有部分保留在美国宾州博物馆和华盛顿故居内（第二次“中国皇后号”的中国之行，华盛顿夫人特别点名要买一批中国白瓷） 。

这次航行的美同商人获利只有3万多美元，但它开启了新的贸易窗口，挣脱了英国的经济封锁，这对当时的美国实在是太重要了。所以，相关人等被纷纷提拔，莫里斯一跃成为美国联邦政府第一任财政部长；船长格林则成为后来与中国通商的著名顾问，而商务代理人山茂召更是声名鹊起。山茂召回到美国后，立刻向当时联邦政府的外交国务秘书约翰·杰伊递交了“‘中国皇后号’访华报告”，报告赞许了中国人的好客和宽厚，极力倡导对华贸易。国会经讨论后，面向全国发布了对此次航行的表扬信，一时间，引发了全美的“中国热”。

“广州”：美国小城最喜欢起的名字

清初，以广州为目的地的海上贸易航线已有多条，“中国皇后号”的到来，又增加了一条美国直达广州的航线。作为当时中国主要对外贸易的唯一港口的广州，则成为吸引美国的最著名城市。

29岁商务代理人山茂召在他的首航中国日记中说：“虽然这是第一艘到中国的美国船，但中国人对我们却非常的宽厚。最初，他们并不能分清我们和英国人的区别，把我们称为‘新公民’，但我们拿美国地图向他们展示时，在说明我们的人口增长和疆域扩张的情况时，商人们对我围拥有如此之大的，可供他们帝国销售的市场，感到十分的高兴。”

1786年1月，山茂召因对中美贸易的贡献被美国任命为驻广州领事，山茂召一任5年，此间，不仅有几百吨的大商船前往中国，连一些几十吨的小船也载着有限的货物驶向广州，在通往中同的航线上，美国商船绵延不断，成为一大奇观。美国商船多次来广州的成功贸易，吸引了更多的美国商人投资这一贸易，波士顿商人竞发行每股300美元的大额对华贸易股票。

1793年2月，山茂召踏上了第4次中国之旅。11月2日，山茂召一行从孟买顺利到达了广州，但是次年3月他乘坐“华盛顿号”返航时，肝病恶化，客死返航途中，时年39岁，从而结束了他10年问往返中美的辉煌贸易生涯。而此时，中美海上贸易已经迅速超过荷兰、丹麦、法国，仅次于英国，排在世界的第二位。

由于当时中国对外贸易窗口，只剩下广州一地通商，所以，广州成了成功与繁荣的代名同，令没能来中国的美国人艳羡不已。因此，很多美国城镇就以“广州”(Canton)命名，而显其时尚。据说，美同的第一个“广州”，出现于1789年的乌萨诸塞州东部诸福克县的广州镇。后来，义有了俄亥俄州东北部的“广州”，它是美国最大的“广州”。美国学者乔治·斯蒂华特在一本研究美国地名的著作中曾提到：当时，在美国23个州里，都有以广州命名的城镇或乡村。与“广州”大热相反的是，大清最有学问“一代硕学”阮元在当两广总督时，于清嘉庆二十二年（1817年）编著《广州通志》，竟然还把美国说成是“在非洲境内”。

美国山寨中国的地名

藏在方尖碑里的里程碑

现在到美国旅游的人，都少不了到华盛顿转一转。但很少有人注意到华盛顿纪念碑即著名的方尖碑里还有一段中国故事。此碑高169.045米，碑内有50层铁梯，也设有70秒到顶端的高速电梯，在纪念碑内墙镶嵌着188块由私人、团体及全球各地捐赠的纪念石，其中就镶嵌有一块中文石碑，碑高1.6米，宽1.2米，它是“中国皇后号”首航中国70年后，于清咸丰三年（1853年）由中国漂洋过海，赠予美国，作为送给华盛顿纪念碑的特殊礼品。

华盛顿纪念碑和纪念碑上镶嵌的中文碑

需要指出的是，此碑并非大清政府所送，碑文落款：“大清国浙江宁波府镌，耶稣教信辈立石，合众国传教士识。”这位刻石的宁波知府，名叫毕永绍，上任不到一年，就离职了。碑文正文是由美国传教士丁韪良推荐，它来自曾任福建巡抚的徐继畲所著《瀛环志略》。此书初刻于道光二十八( 1848年），后来被清廷查禁了。徐继畲是中国最早的“美国通”，他第一次把华盛顿介绍到了中国：“华盛顿，异人也。起事勇于胜、广，割据雄于曹、刘。既已提三尺剑，开疆万里，乃不僭位号，不传子孙，而创为推举之法，几于天下为公，骎骎乎三代之遗意。其治国崇让善俗，不尚武功，亦迥与诸国异”、“呜呼，可不谓人杰矣哉！米利坚合众国以为围，幅员万里，不设王侯之号，不循世及之规，公器付之公论，创古今未有之局，一何奇也！泰丙古今人物，能不以华盛顿为称首哉！”这两段赞美华盛顿话，通过立石刻碑，送到美国，也让美国人第一次知道了中国还有人如此赞美美国领袖。

如果我们细想一下，徐继畲的《瀛环志略》，仅比魏源六十卷本《海国图志》晚了1年。但在“制夷”与“开眼向洋”的方向上，则大有不同，而比之托克维尔的1840年完成《论美国的民主》仅晚了8年。

The detail of the possessions of the Antonie family at their estate at Colworth House in Sharnbrook (Bedfordshire) in the 18th century, recorded in successive inventories, provides an interesting illustration of men’s taste for porcelain. Marc Antonie was steward to the Duke of Montagu. In 1715, he bought the Colworth estate from John Wagstaff, citizen and mercer of the City of London, who had previously bought it from the Montagus. The Antonies had invested money in the South Sea stock, which resulted in the family’s financial collapse when the South Sea Bubble burst. After Marc Antonie’s death in 1720, the 1723 inventory was made with a view to selling the furniture to get the family out of debt. The presence in the inventory of porcelain dishes and basins exported from China reflects how the fashion for porcelain was connected to the ever more fashionable practice of drinking another Chinese product, tea and, to a lesser degree, coffee. The inventory records a “cheany & Teatable” in the North Parlour, advertised for £ 6 14s, and in the Hall “10 little Cheany plates that sold for £ 1 5s, 6 larg [sic] Cheany Dishes £ 1 15s, 4 Cheany Basons, Cheany mugs and Delf Dishes, Cheany Cassters and Cheany”.

The second inventory of 1771 was made after the death of Marc Antonie’s youngest son, Richard, on 26 November 1771. Richard Antonie had inherited the estate in 1768 after John’s death, Marc Antonie’s eldest son. He first established himself as a draper and then moved on to Jamaica in 1748 where he owned a sugar plantation. The furnishings of the house listed in the 1771 inventory were mostly purchased by Richard and some pieces by John Antonie. They give a good indication of the type of furnishing found in the 1760s in a country house, and, as James Collett-White points out, “reflect what a country gentleman with London connections might have purchased and collected”. 

Ornamental and functional porcelain figures prominently in the inventory. Antonie had an unusually large collection of china. In the two parlours and three of the four principal bedrooms were 125 pieces of ornamental china. The inventory does not mention the provenance of the pieces and it is highly probable these porcelains were not all of Chinese origin, but would have also come from continental centres such as Delft, Meissen and France, and also from English porcelain factories such as Derby, Worcester and Bow. Non-functional porcelain was completed by a huge number of porcelain plates and dishes which were kept in the “china closet”. Two “dragon china” dishes and “Nankeen basins” get mentioned in the inventory, which confirms the presence of Chinese export porcelain in Antonie’s collection. The taste for Chinese-styled indoor and outdoor decoration, which blended authentic Chinese wares with chinoiserie, gained momentum in the century, reaching a peak in the 1750s and 1760s16. Antonie had a particular liking for chinoiserie, as he commissioned a gate or possibly a low fence of oak railings to be made in the Chinese style, which he mentioned in his notes: “Richard Antonie made a New China Work the front of his house.”It thus appears very likely that he would have collected Chinese porcelain to complement the Chinese theme set up outside his house.

Die von dem britischen Biochemiker Joseph Needham (1900–1995) initiierte und anfangs herausgegebene englischsprachige Buchreihe zur Wissenschaft und Kultur in China setzte neue Maßstäbe in der Beschäftigung mit China im Wissenschaftsbereich. Als Standardwerk zur chinesischen Wissenschafts- und Technikgeschichte veränderte es die Wahrnehmung Chinas durch die westliche Welt und lenkte die Aufmerksamkeit auf die historischen wissenschaftlichen und technologischen Leistungen Chinas. Joseph Needham hatte das von ihm initiierte Projekt von 1954 an bis zu seinem Tod 1995 koordiniert. Zu Lebzeiten erschienen 17 Bände, weitere sieben Bände wurden seither durch das von Needham begründete Needham Research Institute herausgegeben. Das Erscheinen weiterer Bände ist in Vorbereitung. Die Gesamtanlage des Werkes ist etwas schwer zu überblicken. Die folgende Übersicht erhebt keinen Anspruch auf Aktualität oder Vollständigkeit.

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Young, Hilary. English Porcelain, 1745-1795: its Makers, Design, Marketing and Consumption. London: Victoria and Albert Publications, 1999.

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The china closet and, by extension, the Lady’s dressing room where oriental porcelain was displayed, were often compared to an oriental temple, but were also seen as an emblematic temple of femininity. The female closet where porcelain, shells and sometimes books, were stored served as an instrument of female sociability, an intimate gynocentric space where women could exchange their knowledge and expertise. The visits paid by women to their respective homes often led to the inspection of the china closet and fuelled discussions on porcelain. Lady Dashwood, for example, asked for Mrs Philip Lybbe Powys’s opinion on oriental porcelain displayed in her china closet at Kirtlington Park: “Her Ladyship said she must try my judgment in china, as she ever did all the visitors of that closet, as there was one piece there so much superior to the others. I thought myself fortunate that a prodigious fine old Japan dish almost at once struck my eye”(Climenson 198). The china cabinet functioned as a female museum, as was explained in an essay from the World:

You are not to suppose that all this profusion of ornament is only to gratify her own curiosity: it is meant as a preparative to the greatest happiness of life, that of seeing company. And I assure you she gives above twenty entertainments in a year to people for whom she has no manner of regard, for no other reason in the world than to shew them the house. [I am] continually driven from room to room, to give opportunity from strangers to admire it. But as we have lately missed a favourite Chinese tumbler, and some other valuable moveables, we have entertained thoughts of confining the shew to one day in the week, and of admitting no persons whatsoever without tickets.

The exchange and display of porcelain allowed women to circumscribe an artistic practice and field of expertise of their own. It gave them authority in the realm of domestic interior decoration as well as in that of scientific knowledge. In her analysis of the Duchess of Portland’s collection of porcelain and shells, Stacey Sloboda has shown how the collection and display of naturalia ‒shells‒ and artificialia –porcelain‒ connected natural history to art, and argued that porcelain occupied an intermediary position, as both exotic curiosity and manufactured object, “complicat[ing] the binary of ”raw“ imperial specimens versus ”cooked“ Western objects of connoisseurship” (Sloboda 467). The china closet decorated with shells thus merged natural history and decorative arts. It can also be read, I suggest, in terms of narration and architecture. Women read exotic stories on the surfaces of oriental porcelain but the authority they exerted over the display of porcelain wares also transformed them into authors. David Porter has argued that the decorative patterns of transitional porcelain wares of the Ming and early Qing dynasties often represented women in ideal garden scenes. He proposes to read these scenes of female communities evolving in peaceful natural surroundings depicted on Chinese porcelain as contemporaneous analogues of female utopias and Sapphic literary works that developed in English literature in the last decades of the 17th and early 18th centuries. Porcelain surfaces read by elite women nurtured their dreams of female academies, retreats and friendly communities.

Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The China Folk House Retreat is a Chinese folk house in Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, United States, reconstructed from its original location in Yunnan in China. A non-profit organization dismantled and rebuilt it piece by piece with the goal to improve U.S. understanding of Chinese culture.

History
John Flower, director of Sidwell Friends School's Chinese studies program, and his wife Pamela Leonard started bringing students to Yunnan in 2012 as part of a China fieldwork program. In 2014 Flower, Leonard, and their students found the house in a small village named Cizhong (Chinese: 茨 中) in Jianchuan County of Yunnan, China. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, they brought dozens of 11th and 12th-grade students to Yunnan to experience the cultural and natural environment of this province every spring. The architectural style of this house is a blend of Han, Bai, Naxi and Tibetan styles.

The Cizhong Village is located in eastern Himalaya, alongside the Mekong River. It has a long history of Sino-foreign cultural exchanges. The Paris Foreign Missions Society established the Cizhong Catholic Church in 1867. When they visited the village, Zhang Jianhua, owner of the house, invited them to his home. Zhang told them that the house was built in 1989, and would be flooded by a new hydroelectric power station. While the government built a new house for him one kilometer away, Flower came up with the idea of dismantling the house and rebuilding it in the United States. This house was built using mortise and tenon structure, which made it easy to be dismantled.

Logistics
Flower and his students visited Zhang several times and eventually bought the house from him. After measurements and photographing, the whole house was dismantled, sent to Tianjin and shipped to Baltimore, and finally to West Virginia. Since 2017, they have spent several years rebuilding the house in Harpers Ferry, at the Friends Wilderness Center, following the traditional Chinese method of building. For the development of this project, Flower and Leonard formed the China Folk House Retreat.

《Chinese characteristics》(中国人的性格)是西方人介绍研究中国民族性格的最有影响的著作。由美国公理会来华传教士明恩溥（Arthur Henderson Smith）撰写。书中描述了100多年前中国人，有高尚的品格、良好的习惯。也有天生的偏狭、固有的缺点。此为1894年刊本。

明恩溥的《中国人的性格》一书的内容1890年曾在上海的英文版报纸《华北每日新闻》发表，轰动一时；1894年在纽约由弗莱明出版公司结集出版。这位博学、不无善意的传教士力图以公允的态度叙述中国。他有在中国生活22年的经验为他的叙述与评价担保，他看到中国人性格的多个侧面及其本相的暖昧性。他为中国人的性格归纳了20多种特征，有褒有贬，并常能在同一，问题上看到正反两方面的意义。《中国人的性格》在近半个世纪的时间里，不仅影响了西方人、日本人的中国观，甚至对中国现代国民性反思思潮，也有很大影响。张梦阳先生对此曾有过专门研究。

史密斯是位诚实、细心的观察家。读者在阅读中不难发现这一点。然而，诚实与信心并不意味着客观与准确。因为文化与时代的偏见与局限，对于任何一个个人都是无法超越的，尤其是一位生活在100年以前的基督教传教士。西方文化固有的优越感，基督教偏见，都不可避免地影响着史密斯在中国的生活经验和他对中国人与中国文化的印象与见解。基督教普世精神、西方中心主义，构成史密斯观察与叙述中国的既定视野。中国人的性格形象映在异域文化背景上，是否会变得模糊甚至扭曲呢？辜鸿铭说”要懂得真正的中国人和中国文明，那个人必须是深沉的、博大的和淳朴的”，”比如那个可敬的阿瑟。史密斯先生，他曾著过一本关于中国人特性的书，但他却不了解真正的中国人，因为作为一个美国人，他不够深沉。。”（《春秋大义》”序言”）

美国传教士眼里的中国人的形象，并不具有权威性。它是一面镜子，有些部分甚至可能成为哈哈镜，然而，问题是，一个美国人不能了解真正的中国人，一个中国人就能了解中国人吗？盲目的自尊与脆弱的自卑，怀念与希望，不断被提醒的挫折感与被误导的自鸣得意，我们能真正地认识我们自己吗？《中国人的性格》已经出版整整l00年了。一本有影响的著作成为一个世纪的话题，谁也绕不开它，即使沉默也是一种反应，辜鸿铭在论著与演说中弘扬”中国人的精神”，史密斯的书是他潜在的对话者，回答、解释或反驳，都离不开这个前提。林语堂的《吾国吾民》，其中颇费苦心的描述与小心翼翼的评价，无不让人感到《中国人的性格》的影响。《中国人的性格》已成为一种照临或逼视中国民族性格话语的目光，所有相关叙述，都无法回避。

我们不能盲信史密斯的观察与叙述都是事实，但也不必怀疑其中有事实有道理。读者们可以根据自己的阅读来判断。了解自己既需要反思也需要外观。异域文化的目光是我们理解自己的镜子。临照这面镜子需要坦诚、勇气与明辨的理性。鲁迅先生一直希望有人翻译这本书，在他逝世前14天发表的《”立此存照”（三）》中，先生还提到：”我至今还在希望有人翻译出斯密斯的《支那人气质》来。看了这些，而自省，分析，明白哪几点说的对，变革，挣扎，自做工夫，却不求别人的原谅和称赞，来证明究竟怎样的是中国人。

明恩溥观察到了中国文化的二十五种特征，他的这本书也包含了这二十五章，每个章的标题都是描述了一个特征，最后两章描述了宗教和社会。
第一章 保全面子
第二章 节俭持家
第三章 勤劳刻苦
第四章 讲究礼貌
第五章 漠视时间
第六章 漠视精确
第七章 易于误解
第八章 拐弯抹角
第九章 顺而不从
第十章 思绪含混
第十一章 不紧不慢
第十二章 轻视外族
第十三章 缺乏公心
第十四章 因循守旧
第十五章 随遇而安
第十六章 顽强生存
第十七章 能忍且韧
第十八章 知足常乐
第十九章 孝悌为先
第二十章 仁爱之心
第二十一章 缺乏同情
第二十二章 社会风波
第二十三章 诛连守法
第二十四章 相互猜疑
第二十五章 缺乏诚信
第二十六章 多元信仰
第二十七章 中国的现实与时务

明恩溥(Arthur Henderson Smith 1845—1932) 又作明恩普，阿瑟·亨德森·史密斯，美国人，基督教公理会来华传教士。1872年来华，最初在天津，1877年到鲁西北赈灾传教，在恩县庞庄建立其第一个教会，先后在此建立起小学、中学和医院，同时兼任上海《字林西报》通讯员。1905年辞去宣教之职。在明恩溥等人推动之下，1908年，美国正式宣布退还“庚子赔款”的半数，计1160余万美元给中国。第一次世界大战爆发后，明恩溥返回美国。

作为一个美国传教士，明恩溥深入天津、山东等地了解中国民众的生存状况，熟悉中国的国情，因而他知道如何以恰当的方式影响中国的未来。1906年，当他向美国总统西奥多·罗斯福建议，将清王朝支付给美国的“庚子赔款”用来在中国兴学、资助中国学生到美国留学时，他大概已经意识到了实施这一计划所能具备的历史意义。清华留美预备学校（后改名为清华大学）的成立，为中国留学生赴美打开了大门，一批又一批年轻学子从封闭的国度走向世界，他们中间涌现出众多优秀人才，归国后成为不同领域的精英。

Tutti Frutti (italienisch für "alle Früchte") ist ein Song von Little Richard und Dorothy LaBostrie, der 1955 aufgenommen wurde und sein erster großer Hit war. Mit seinem energiegeladenen Refrain, der oft als "A-wop-bop-a-loo-mop-a-lop-bam-boom!" (eine verbale Wiedergabe eines Schlagzeugmusters, das sich Little Richard ausgedacht hatte), seinem treibenden Sound und seinem wilden Text wurde der Song nicht nur zum Vorbild für viele zukünftige Little-Richard-Songs, sondern auch für den Rock 'n' Roll selbst. Der Song führte einige der charakteristischsten musikalischen Merkmale der Rockmusik ein, darunter die laute Lautstärke, der kraftvolle Gesangsstil und der unverwechselbare Beat und Rhythmus.

Baroque painting is the painting associated with the Baroque cultural movement. The movement is often identified with Absolutism, the Counter Reformation and Catholic Revival,[1][2] but the existence of important Baroque art and architecture in non-absolutist and Protestant states throughout Western Europe underscores its widespread popularity.[3]

Baroque painting encompasses a great range of styles, as most important and major painting during the period beginning around 1600 and continuing throughout the 17th century, and into the early 18th century is identified today as Baroque painting. In its most typical manifestations, Baroque art is characterized by great drama, rich, deep colour, and intense light and dark shadows, but the classicism of French Baroque painters like Poussin and Dutch genre painters such as Vermeer are also covered by the term, at least in English.[4] As opposed to Renaissance art, which usually showed the moment before an event took place, Baroque artists chose the most dramatic point, the moment when the action was occurring: Michelangelo, working in the High Renaissance, shows his David composed and still before he battles Goliath; Bernini's Baroque David is caught in the act of hurling the stone at the giant. Baroque art was meant to evoke emotion and passion instead of the calm rationality that had been prized during the Renaissance.

Among the greatest painters of the Baroque period are Velázquez, Caravaggio,[5] Rembrandt,[6] Rubens,[7] Poussin,[8] and Vermeer.[9] Caravaggio is an heir of the humanist painting of the High Renaissance. His realistic approach to the human figure, painted directly from life and dramatically spotlit against a dark background, shocked his contemporaries and opened a new chapter in the history of painting. Baroque painting often dramatizes scenes using chiaroscuro light effects; this can be seen in works by Rembrandt, Vermeer, Le Nain and La Tour. The Flemish painter Anthony van Dyck developed a graceful but imposing portrait style that was very influential, especially in England.

The prosperity of 17th century Holland led to an enormous production of art by large numbers of painters who were mostly highly specialized and painted only genre scenes, landscapes, still lifes, portraits or history paintings. Technical standards were very high, and Dutch Golden Age painting established a new repertoire of subjects that was very influential until the arrival of Modernism.

1 Acknowledgements: The author wishes to thank the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art, London, for providing support for work on this article through the grant of a postdoctoral fellowship.

See Jennifer Chen, Julie Emerson and Mimi Gates, eds., Porcelain Stories: From China to Europe (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000) ; John Ayers, et al., Porcelain for Palaces: the Fashion for Japan in Europe 1650-1750 (London: Oriental Ceramic Society, 2001) For a history of the imports and collections of Chinese porcelain see chapter 1 of Stacey Pierson, Collectors, Collections and Museums: The Field of Chinese Ceramics in Britain, 1560-1960, (Bern: Peter Lang, 2007).

2 Oliver Impey, “Japanese Export Porcelain”, in Porcelain for Palaces, 25-35.

3 Rose Kerr, “Missionary Reports on the Production of Porcelain in China”, Oriental Art, 47. 5 (2001): 36-37.

4 For a definition of these terms, see Krzysztof Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux, Paris, Venise : xvie-xviiie siècle, Paris, Gallimard, 1987.

5 Anna Somers Cocks, “The Nonfunctional Use of Ceramics in the English Country House During the Eighteenth Century”, in Gervase Jackson-Stops, et al., The Fashioning and Functioning of the British Country House, Studies in the History of Art 25 (New Haven: Yale UP. 1989).

6 The collection bore the name “the Museum Tradescantium or a Collection of Rarities Preserved at South Lambert neer London by John Tradescant of London”. Cited in Douglas Rigby, and Elizabeth Rigby, Lock, Stock, and Barrel: the story of collecting (London: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1944), 234.

7 Mercure Galant (juillet 1678), cited in Hélène Belevitch-Stankevitch, Le Goût chinois en France. 1910. (Genève: Slatkine, 1970), 149.

8 See John Ayers in Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, eds., The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), 256-266 and Oliver Impey, “Collecting Oriental Porcelain in Britain in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in The Burghley Porcelains, an Exhibition from the Burghley House Collection and Based on the 1688 Inventory and 1690 Devonshire Schedule (New York: Japan Society 1990), 36-43.

9 See Pierson 31-33.

10 See Oliver Impey, “Porcelain for Palaces”, in Porcelain for Palaces, 56-69.

11 Cited in Joan Wilson, “A Phenomenon of Taste: the Chinaware of Queen Mary II” Apollo 126 (August 1972): 122. For the decoration of Kensington Palace, see Rosenfeld Shulsky, “The Arrangement of the Porcelain and Delftware Collection of Queen Mary in Kensington Palace,” American Ceramic Circle Journal 8 (1990): 51-74; T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, “Documents on the Furnishing of Kensington House,” Walpole Society 38 (1960-1962): 15-58, and Oliver Impey and Johanna Marshner, “ʽChina Mania’: A Reconstruction of Queen Mary II’s Display of East Asian Artefacts in Kensington Palace in 1693”, Orientations (November 1998).

12 For more information on the arrangement of porcelain in these rooms, see Robert J. Charleston, “Porcelain as a Room Decoration in Eighteenth-Century England,” Magazine Antiques 96 (1969): 894- 96.

13 Impey, and Ayers, Porcelain for Palaces, 56-57.

14 Hilary Young, English Porcelain, 1745-1795: its Makers, Design, Marketing and Consumption. (London: Victoria and Albert Publications, 1999), 167-69.

15 See Tessa Murdoch, Noble Households. Eighteenth century inventories of great English houses, (Cambridge: John Adamson, 2006).

16 For studies on chinoiserie, see Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: the Vision of Cathay (London, 1961); Oliver Impey, Chinoiserie: the Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration (London, 1977); Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Dragons, clochettes, pagodes et mandarins: Influence et representation de la Chine dans la culture britannique du dix-huitième siècle (1685-1798)”, unpublished PhD thesis, Université Paris 7 Denis Diderot, Paris, 2006 ; David Porter, The Chinese Taste in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

17 Collett-White 48.

18 The poem depicts the drowning of Walpole’s cat Selima while attempting to catch a goldfish in the porcelain tub. For a study of Walpole’s ceramic collection, see Timothy Wilson, “ʽPlaythings Still?’ Horace Walpole as a Collector of Ceramics,” in Michael Snodin and Cynthia Roman, eds., Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill (New Haven, CT: Yale U.P, 2009).

19 For more information on Beckford’s collections, see Derek Ostergard, ed., William Beckford, 1760-1844: An Eye for the Magnificent (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001).

20 See Craig Clunas, ed., Chinese Export Art and Design (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1987).

21 John Stalker and George Parker, Treatise of Japanning and Varnishing Being a Complete Discovery of these Arts. (Oxford, 1688), Preface.

22 Sigmund Freud, “Fetishism,” in Adam Phillips, ed., Sigmund Freud: the Penguin Reader, (London: Penguin Books, 2006), 91-93.

23 The World n°38 (20 September 1753).

24 I draw here upon William Pietz’s anthropological study of the history and origin of the term “fetish”. See his articles on the subject, “The Problem of the Fetish, I,” Res 9 (Spring 1985), and “The Problem of the Fetish, II: the Origin of the Fetish,” Res 13 (Spring 1987).

25 The World No. 38 (20 September 1753).

26 See Chapter 3 in David Porter’s The Chinese Taste in England, 57- 93.

27 Catherine Lahaussois uses the expression “broderies de porcelaine” in Antoinette Hallé, De l’immense au minuscule. La virtuosité en céramique, (Paris : Paris musées, 2005) 48.

28 For a study of the Duchess of Portland’s passion for conchology, see Beth Fowkes Tobin, “The Duchess's Shells: Natural History Collecting, Gender, and Scientific Practice”, in Maureen Daly Goggin and Beth Fowkes Tobin, eds., Material Women, 1750-1950 (London: Ashgate, 2009), 301-325.

29 See Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the 18th Century (New York: Columbia UP, 1997) 20-29; David Porter, “Monstrous Beauty: Eighteenth-Century Fashion and the Aesthetics of the Chinese Taste.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 35.3 (2002): 395-411.Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Frailty, thy Name is China: Women, Chinoiserie and the threat of low culture in 18th-century England”, Women’s History Review, 18.4 (Sept 2009): 659-668; Stacey Sloboda, “Porcelain Bodies: Gender, Acquisitiveness and Taste in 18th-century England”, in John Potvin and Alla Myzelev, eds., Material Cultures, 1740-1920 (London, 2009), 1-36.

30 William Park. The Idea of Rococo (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993), 75-77.

31 See chapter 4 in Parker’s The Idea of Rococo, 96-106. For a study of history of the rococo and its presence in English decorative arts, see Michael Snodin ed., Rococo Art and Design in Hogarth’s England (London: V&A Publication1984) and Charles Hind, ed., The Rococo in England. A symposium (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1986).

32 The Spectator no. 37, 12 April 1712.

33 Ibid.

34 “The senses at first let in particular ideas, and furnish the yet empty cabinet, and the mind by degrees growing familiar with some of them, they are lodged in the memory, and names got to them.” John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690) Book II, Chapter II, section 15.

35 Alain Bony, Léonora, Lydia et les autres : Etudes sur le (nouveau) roman (Lyon: PUL, 2004), 9-12.

36 Claude Lévi-Strauss, Le Cru et le cuit, (Paris : Plon, 1978).

37 Batty Langley, Practical Geometry, (1726), 101.

38 The World No. 38 (20 September 1753).

39 For a study of the sensualist aesthetic of chinoiserie, see Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “De l’exotisme au sensualisme: réflexion sur l’esthétique de la chinoiserie dans l’Angleterre du XVIIIe siècle”, in Georges Brunel ed., Pagodes et Dragons: exotisme et fantaisie dans l’Europe rococo (Paris Musées: Paris, 2007), 35-41.

40 Philippe Minguet, L’Esthétique du rococo. (Paris : Vrin, 1966).

41 See Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Dragons, clochettes, pagodes et mandarins”, 103-119.

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Il Milione è il resoconto dei viaggi in Asia di Marco Polo, intrapresi assieme al padre Niccolò Polo e allo zio paterno Matteo Polo, mercanti e viaggiatori veneziani, tra il 1271 e il 1295, e le sue esperienze alla corte di Kublai Khan, il più grande sovrano orientale dell'epoca, del quale Marco fu al servizio per quasi 17 anni.

Il libro fu scritto da Rustichello da Pisa, un autore di romanzi cavallereschi, che trascrisse sotto dettatura le memorie rievocate da Marco Polo, mentre i due si trovavano nelle carceri di San Giorgio a Genova.

Rustichello adoperò la lingua franco-veneta, una lingua culturale diffusa nel Nord Italia tra la fascia subalpina e il basso Po. Un'altra versione fu scritta in lingua d'oïl, la lingua franca dei crociati e dei mercanti occidentali in Oriente, forse nel 1298 ma sicuramente dopo il 1296. Secondo alcuni ricercatori, il testo sarebbe poi stato rivisto dallo stesso Marco Polo una volta rientrato a Venezia, con la collaborazione di alcuni frati dell'Ordine dei Domenicani.

Considerato un capolavoro della letteratura di viaggio, Il Milione è anche un'enciclopedia geografica, che riunisce in volume le conoscenze essenziali disponibili alla fine del XIII secolo sull'Asia, e un trattato storico-geografico.[5] È stato scritto che «Marco si rivolge a tutti quelli che vogliono sapere: sapere quello che c'è al di là delle frontiere della vecchia Europa. Non mette il suo libro sotto il segno dell'utile, ma sotto il segno della conoscenza».

Rispetto ad altre relazioni di viaggio scritte nel corso del XIII secolo, come la Historia Mongalorum di Giovanni da Pian del Carpine e l'Itinerarium di Guglielmo di Rubruck, Il Milione fu eccezionale perché le sue descrizioni si spingevano ben oltre il Karakorum e arrivarono fino al Catai. Marco Polo testimoniò l'esistenza di una civiltà mongola stanziale e molto sofisticata, assolutamente paragonabile alle civiltà europee: i mongoli, insomma, non erano solo i nomadi "selvaggi" che vivevano a cavallo e si spostavano in tenda, di cui avevano parlato Giovanni da Pian del Carpine e Guglielmo di Rubruck, ma abitavano città murate, sapevano leggere, e avevano usi e costumi molto sofisticati. Così come Guglielmo di Rubruck, invece, Marco smentisce alcune leggende sull'Asia di cui gli Europei all'epoca erano assolutamente certi.

Il Milione è stato definito come "la descrizione geografica, storica, etnologica, politica, scientifica (zoologia, botanica, mineralogia) dell'Asia medievale".Le sue descrizioni contribuirono alla compilazione del Mappamondo di Fra Mauro e ispirarono i viaggi di Cristoforo Colombo.

The china closet can also be read in terms of architecture, as a monument to the idea of rococo. If natural science was given pride of place in the space of the closet, the feminine accents of the rococo style also sprang up in the curvaceous lines of rocks, shells and porcelain dishes completed by glittering ornaments. Shells and porcelain have traditionally stood for women, as the well-documented comparison between women and porcelain throughout the 18th century testifies.29 The china closet, either a simple cabinet or a room, can be understood as a sign of the feminisation and rococo-isation of interior decoration. The idea of rococo pervaded 18th century European culture and, despite contrasted views of scholarship about its periodisation, may be seen to emerge in the early 18th century and evolve until the late 1760s.30 The rococo style has been assumed to have reached England in the decorative arts in the 1740s but the new hybrid genre of the novel, characterised by its interplay of various literary sources and genres (romances, drama, biographies, histories) has also been identified with the idea of rococo.31 The aspect of the china closet adorned with shells, a result of female handicraft, may not strictly correspond to the lavish rococo interior decoration of a French 18th-century boudoir, but signals, I am suggesting, the rococo-isation of English interiors. Arguably, the scantiness of surviving evidence about the display of female china closets, glimpsed though examples in female correspondence or diaries, only leads to hypothetical interpretations. However, the numerous satires on the fashion for female china closets found in the periodical press of the period help reconstruct a practice that must have been popular among the aristocracy and wealthy middle classes. I propose here to examine the rococo aesthetic of the female china closet by crossing contemporary references to real china closets with an analysis of two periodical essays, the first from The Spectator published in 1712, the second being the essay previously cited (The World, 38), published in 1753. This comparative study will enable me to show the evolution of the rococo’s imprint on English interiors.

In Joseph Addison’s Spectator essay number 37, dated 12 April 1712, the fictional persona of Mr. Spectator recounts his visit to an aristocratic widow’s library. The essay aligns Leonora’s reading tastes with female chinamania, depicting the lady’s library, in the narrator’s eyes, as a hybrid and counter-natural piece of furniture decorated with Chinese porcelain:

At the End of the Folio’s (which were finely bound and gilt) were great Jars of China placed one above another in a very noble piece of Architecture. The Quarto’s were separated from the Octavo’s by a pile of smaller vessels, which rose in a delightful Pyramid. The Octavo’s were bounded by Tea dishes of all shapes, colours and Sizes, which were so disposed on a wooden Frame, that they looked like one continued Pillar indented with the finest Strokes of Sculpture, and stained with the greatest Variety of Dyes. That Part of the Library which was designed for the reception of Plays and Pamphlets, and other loose Papers, was enclosed in a kind of square, consisting of one of the prettiest Grotesque Works that ever I saw, and was made up of Scaramouches, Lions, Monkies, Mandarines, Trees, Shells, and a thousand other off Figures in China Ware[…]. I was wondefully pleased with such a mixt kind of furniture, as seemed very suitable both to the Lady and the Scholar, and did not know at first whether I should fancy my self in a Grotto, or in a Library.

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The foundation of the East India Company in 1600 made direct trade with China possible and led to an increase in English imports of Chinese wares. Although Chinese porcelain started to reach England in higher quantities at that time, they continued to be considered as precious exotica worthy of display in cabinets of curiosities. Most Chinese porcelain imported in the 17th century consisted of blanc-de-Chine and blue and white ware. Brown Yixing stoneware was also imported, as well as monochrome-glazed porcelain1. In the middle of the 17th century, direct trade with China was hampered by wars of succession within the Chinese empire, which led the East India Company to find other indirect ways of buying Chinese porcelain, and also, from 1657, to turn to Japan for more supplies in porcelain. The imports of Japanese overglazed enamelled porcelain in England provided collectors with porcelain ware of a new type: colours and new compositional patterns hitherto unknown entered English interiors2. Europe’s long-lasting fascination for porcelain can be ascribed to its beauty, its exotic provenance and the secrets surrounding its fabrication. Indeed, the manufacture of porcelain remained a mystery until the 18th century in Europe, when the alchemist Johann Böttger first succeeded in creating a porcelain body of the same type as that made in China for the Meissen factory. Until that time, porcelain had been thought to come from shells. The original Italian term porcellana, meaning “conch shell”, reflects this long-held belief3. At the end of the 17th century, speculations about its composition still ran high, as is shown by Captain William Dampier’s remark on the origin of porcelain:

The Spaniards of Manila, that we took on the Coast of Luconia, told me, that this Commodity is made of Conch-shells; the inside of which looks like Mother of Pearl. But the Portuguese lately mentioned, who had lived in China, and spoke that and the neighbouring Languages very well, said, that it was made of a fine sort of Clay that was dug in the Province of Canton. I have often made enquiry about it, but could never be well satisfied in it. 

The association between porcelain and shells was further evidenced in the common practice of displaying shells and porcelain together in the 17th and 18th centuries. The Duchess of Portland had a famous collection of shells and of unique pieces of porcelain, an association which contributed to blurring the boundary between naturalia and artificialia

Porcelain first occupied a non-functional status in the cabinets of rarities and curiosities of English aristocrats5. The famous collector John Tradescant published in 1656 the first catalogue of his collection, which listed “idols from India, China and other pagan lands”6. He also possessed porcelain, some mounted with silver and gold. In the 17th century, rare and precious porcelain items were often mounted with expensive metalwork, a practice that was common throughout Europe. The Duchess of Cleveland’s collection, which was sold in France in 1672, contained very fine Chinese and Japanese pieces, according to the Mercure Galant in July 1678 : “l’élite des plus belles porcelaines que plusieurs vaisseaux de ce pays [l’Angleterre] y avaient apportées pendant plusieurs années de tous les lieux, où ils avaient accès pour leur commerce.”The Duchess’s finest porcelain pieces were gilt-mounted : “il y en avait d’admirables par leurs figures, par les choses qui étaient représentées dessus et par la diversité de leurs couleurs. Les plus rares étaient montées d’or ou de vermeil doré et garnies diversement de la même manière en plusieurs endroits”7. The adding of expensive, luxurious silver or gold mounts to the porcelain body of an object visually reinforced the latter’s precious status in the cabinet of curiosities. It also celebrated the transformative powers of artistic creation. Not unlike the popular mounted nautilus cup that stood in cabinets of rarities and curiosities, mounted porcelain held the reference to its artistic manufacture together with the allusion to its natural origin. The perceived shell-like substance of the object had undergone two transformations: it had first been moulded and fired by Oriental craftsmen to be turned into a piece of porcelain, and had then been further transformed and enhanced with precious metal by European craftsmen. Porcelain wares thus fitted into larger collections which included naturalia and artificialia, classical works of art, antiquities as well as more unusual curiosities. Although the passion for collecting porcelain was already closely connected to the realm of the feminine in the 17th century, it would be wrong to assume that men did not collect oriental porcelain. On a visit to a Mr Bohun on 30 July 1682 at Lee in Kent, John Evelyn noted the couple’s joint appreciation of Chinese and Japanese wares. The house possessed a lacquered cabinet, and it is likely that the lady’s cabinet which gets mentioned, was a china closet:

Went to visit our good neighbour, Mr. Bohun whose whole house is a cabinet of all elegancies, especially Indian; in the hall are contrivances of Japan screens, instead of wainscot; […] The landscapes of the screens represent the manner of living, and country of the Chinese. But, above all, his lady’s cabinet is adorned on the fret, ceiling, and chimney-piece, with Mr. Gibbons’ best carving. (Bray ed. 173). Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The present article seeks to analyze the presence and the symbolical meaning of oriental, and in particular Chinese, porcelain in English interiors in the 17th and 18th centuries. It examines how porcelain, through its dual status as both a natural and artificial artifact, and its exotic association with the Far East, contributed to the development of the rococo in the decorative arts in England and became a metonymy for women and the female material world.

From its first modest arrival in English interiors in the early 17th century to its role in the 18th-century craze for chinoiserie, oriental porcelain always held a significant place in interior decoration. Its function and status varied according to the place where it was displayed, from cabinets of curiosities to china closets and the tea-table. Chinese and Japanese porcelain also carried a set of different, sometimes antithetical meanings according to the type of collectors who acquired them and the way they were organised and arranged in the home. Chinamania was closely associated with women in the modern period, which led to gendered perceptions of porcelain, with the china closet becoming a metonymy for woman. In this essay, I trace the evolution of oriental porcelain in English interiors and unearth the symbolic, semiotic and cultural meanings of its presence in English men and women’s collections by bringing new material and new approaches into research on chinoiserie. I first examine the cultural and stylistic meaning of 17th-century porcelain collections to show that the fascination for porcelain items was grounded in their ambiguous status as curious, natural and artistic objects. I then turn to the case study of the furnishings of Colworth House in Bedfordshire to analyse the social function of porcelain as a signifier of taste, conspicuous consumption and status. This is followed by an interpretation of porcelain along gendered lines, in which I suggest that porcelain functioned as a memento and a fetish. Lastly, I offer a reading of the china closet which can be construed, I argue, as a feminine, rococo and “artinatural” space that epitomises the perceived characteristics of porcelain in the 18th century. 

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