Le Livre des merveilles et autres récits de voyages et de textes sur l’Orient est un manuscrit enluminé réalisé en France vers 1410-1412. Il s'agit d'un recueil de plusieurs textes évoquant l'Orient réunis et peints à l'attention de Jean sans Peur, duc de Bourgogne, contenant le Devisement du monde de Marco Polo ainsi que des textes d'Odoric de Pordenone, Jean de Mandeville, Ricoldo da Monte Croce et d'autres textes traduits par Jean le Long. Le manuscrit contient 265 miniatures réalisées par plusieurs ateliers parisiens. Il est actuellement conservé à la Bibliothèque nationale de France sous la cote Fr.2810.

Le manuscrit, peint vers 1410-1412, est destiné au duc de Bourgogne Jean sans Peur, dont les armes apparaissent à plusieurs reprises (écartelé aux 1 et 4 de France à la bordure componée d’argent et de gueules, aux 2 et 3 bandé d’or et d’azur à la bordure de gueules), ainsi que ses emblèmes (la feuille de houblon, le niveau, le rabot). Son portrait est représenté au folio 226, repeint sur un portrait du pape Clément V. Le manuscrit est donné en janvier 1413 par le duc à son oncle Jean Ier de Berry, comme l'indique l'ex-libris calligraphié en page de garde. L'écu de ce dernier est alors repeint à plusieurs endroits sur celui de son neveu. Le livre est signalé dans deux inventaires du prince en 1413 et 1416. À sa mort, le livre est estimé à 125 livres tournois1.

Le manuscrit est ensuite légué à sa fille Bonne de Berry et à son gendre Bernard VII d'Armagnac. Il reste dans la famille d'Armagnac jusqu'aux années 1470. Il appartient à Jacques d'Armagnac lorsqu'une miniature est ajoutée au folio 42v. et son nom ajouté à l'ex-libris de la page de garde. Arrêté et exécuté en 1477, sa bibliothèque est dispersée et l'emplacement du manuscrit est alors inconnu. Un inventaire de la bibliothèque de Charles d'Angoulême mentionne un Livre des merveilles du monde qui pourrait être celui-ci. Il se retrouve ensuite peut-être dans la bibliothèque privée de son fils, le roi François Ier. Avec le reste de ses livres, il entre dans la seconde moitié du xvie siècle dans la bibliothèque royale et il est mentionné dans l'inventaire de Jean Gosselin.

Several meanings can be ascribed to the presence of porcelain in English interior decoration. Oriental porcelain can be construed, I suggest, as a memento for men and a fetish for women. Porcelain was the material emblem of long-distance travels, and more symbolically, of what was perceived as commercial successes resulting from the Anglo-Chinese trade. Porcelain acted as a narrative object that visually told a story. Numerous export porcelain plates and dishes represented East India Company vessels moored in Canton or sailing along the Chinese coast, or imaginary Chinese landscapes and everyday scenes that provided the basis for chinoiserie design used by European porcelain factories for the decoration of their wares.20 English ceramic makers also decorated their vessels with images based on illustrations from travel books, such as Johan Nieuhof’s famous 1673 Embassy from the East India Company. Analogous to sea-narratives and travel books which were highly popular in the 17th and 18th centuries, the iconography on oriental porcelain traced one episode of an imaginary journey to China or Japan while porcelain itself was the tangible evidence of an actual journey to Canton. By viewing oriental porcelain, or by gazing at images of China or at chinoiserie vignettes, the viewer was reminded of the commercial voyages that had been undertaken to acquire these commodities, while he could slip into the role of traveller and explorer and let his imagination wander along the distant shores of the Far East, the “Terra incognita and undiscovered provinces” mentioned by Parker and Stalker in their 1688 Treatise on Japanning and Varnishing21. Porcelain wares functioned as mementoes of the (East India Company’s) commercial endeavours that had been necessary to bring these commodities back to England. A Chinese porcelain sauceboat in the collections of the Victoria and Albert Museum, decorated with two cartouches depicting English ships departing Plymouth in the background (a floating English flag planted on the ground identifies the English coast) and arriving in the Pearl River in the foreground (a pagoda and a typical Chinese rock identify the Chinese coast) is one of numerous examples of how designs worked as travel-narratives (figure 1). The distance between the English coast and the Chinese one, rendered by the use of perspective in the scene, acquires a temporal dimension as it stands for the actual duration of the voyage and that of the written narrative. If not all men were merchants who had actually gone to China, they could picture themselves as potential merchants or adventurers and explorers. Porcelain could appeal to merchants’ dreams of exploration and wealth, but also appealed to the scientific and exploratory nature of the connoisseur and virtuoso.

If the function of porcelain as travel narrative played the role of a memento for male audiences, it played the role, I argue, of a fetish for female audiences. Freudian interpretation of the fetish underlines the role of the fetish as a marker of an absence or a lack.22 By invoking this lack, the fetish also disavows it and makes the absent object present. In William Burnaby’s The Ladies’ Visiting Day dated 1701, the female character Lady Lovetoy laments over a lack, namely the impossibility for women to travel to the East. The purchase of exotic goods is presented as a replacement of voyages to China:

Fulvia: I wonder your Ladyship, that has such a Passion for those Parts of the World, never had the Curiosity to see ‘em.
Lady Lovetoy: Alas! The Men have usurp’d all the Pleasures of Life, and made it not so decent for our Sex to Travel; but I manage it as Mahomet wou’d ha’ done his Mountain […] Every Morning the pretty Things of all these Countries are brought me, and I’m in love with every Thing I see.

Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

The present article seeks to analyze the presence and the symbolical meaning of oriental, and in particular Chinese, porcelain in English interiors in the 17th and 18th centuries. It examines how porcelain, through its dual status as both a natural and artificial artifact, and its exotic association with the Far East, contributed to the development of the rococo in the decorative arts in England and became a metonymy for women and the female material world.

From its first modest arrival in English interiors in the early 17th century to its role in the 18th-century craze for chinoiserie, oriental porcelain always held a significant place in interior decoration. Its function and status varied according to the place where it was displayed, from cabinets of curiosities to china closets and the tea-table. Chinese and Japanese porcelain also carried a set of different, sometimes antithetical meanings according to the type of collectors who acquired them and the way they were organised and arranged in the home. Chinamania was closely associated with women in the modern period, which led to gendered perceptions of porcelain, with the china closet becoming a metonymy for woman. In this essay, I trace the evolution of oriental porcelain in English interiors and unearth the symbolic, semiotic and cultural meanings of its presence in English men and women’s collections by bringing new material and new approaches into research on chinoiserie. I first examine the cultural and stylistic meaning of 17th-century porcelain collections to show that the fascination for porcelain items was grounded in their ambiguous status as curious, natural and artistic objects. I then turn to the case study of the furnishings of Colworth House in Bedfordshire to analyse the social function of porcelain as a signifier of taste, conspicuous consumption and status. This is followed by an interpretation of porcelain along gendered lines, in which I suggest that porcelain functioned as a memento and a fetish. Lastly, I offer a reading of the china closet which can be construed, I argue, as a feminine, rococo and “artinatural” space that epitomises the perceived characteristics of porcelain in the 18th century. 

Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

内容简介:

托马斯·海贝勒教授撰写的《东普鲁士与中国——追溯一段不解之缘》一书以东普鲁士与中国的深远关系为切入点，紧密结合了笔者的个人经历与职业背景，多层次、多角度地展示了一段至今仍未受到足够重视，未足够曝光的历史，寄望以这种方式丰富东普鲁士的记忆文化。 全书内容嵌在传记式的家族记忆框架里，读者可由此窥探笔者同中国、同东普鲁士之间的渊源，进而了解在探究这一主题过程中笔者的个人追求、兴趣和希冀。书中涉及大量具体的记忆形象和他（它）们与中国的联系，既包括与中国相关的人物，如中国研究学者、高级军官、外交官、传教士、建筑师，也包括出生在东普鲁士的思想家、科学家、艺术家、作家和诗人对中国产生的影响，还有那些研究解读他们思想精神的中国人，以及当地犹太人逃亡中国的历史等。海贝勒教授的追根溯源早已不囿于某个家族，而是立足中德双向视角，成功展现了一段延续至今，层次丰富的地区交往史。本书不涉及政治倾向性内容。

作者序:

如果作为研究中国的学者就东普鲁士与中国的关系撰文，绝不纯粹出于历史研究的学术兴趣，母亲家族与东普鲁士的渊源是我人生和身份的一部分，尽管我并不是在那里看到这个世界的第一缕光亮。母亲对东普鲁士的记忆深深烙印在我的脑海里，强化了我对自己这一层身份的认同，下文对此还将详述。

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        家族记忆是记忆文化的组成部分，在一个家族里它以这样的形式世代传承，影响着族人们的世界观和个人行为。（因萨尔茨堡新教流亡者身份而）遭人排挤的体验，祖父为了认识更广阔的世界冲出东普鲁士村庄那一方局促天地的决然之举，还有东普鲁士人对东部（与其接壤各国）依然保有的真挚坦率等等，都是这份家族记忆和认知储备的一部分，只是这样的东普鲁士仅留存在某些人的记忆里，他们要么曾经与此有所关联或者尚有关联，要么在那里出生，又或是探究到其家族与东普鲁士之间的渊源。

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                撰写此书是为了追忆这个曾经的德国东部省份以及当地人民为中德关系所作出的贡献，但同时这也是对德国乃至欧洲“集体记忆”的一次记念。对历史事件和人物，对文化、艺术、科学、哲学、政治及经济各领域演进过程的回忆，都是记忆文化和集体记忆的一部分。记忆文化则有利于群体与身份意识的创建。

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        全书以东普鲁士与中国的深远关系为切入点，将笔者的个人经历与职业背景紧密结合在一起。

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        全书共分九章，导言之后的第二至第四章主要涉及以下内容：首先是作为家族记忆文化一部分的家族东普鲁士背景（埃本罗德与施洛斯伯格）和家族在东普鲁士的生活史；其次是我对2017年前往埃本罗德和施洛斯伯格（东普鲁士）的寻根之旅的一些思考；然后将讲述我的中国之路、我的职业和在中国最初接触到的那些与东普鲁士或普鲁士有关的人与事。第五章探讨的是东普鲁士与中国之间的关系以及究竟是什么将它们联系了起来，这里将谈到普鲁士的亚洲政策、腓特烈大帝的中国情结、德国留在中国的“遗产”（亦或说德国镇压义和团运动及殖民青岛所犯下的“罪行”更为合适？）以及东普鲁士王宫之内所谓“中国热”的意义。这一章还将特别关注纳粹主义带来的灾难，它迫使大量原本生活在东普鲁士的犹太人在条件允许的情况下逃往上海，也导致中国传奇元帅朱德之女朱敏被拘禁于东普鲁士的一所集中营，这两个事件都是我前文所界定的“伦理记忆文化”的重要组成部分。第六章主要讲述东普鲁士作为德国汉学发源地的问题和东普鲁士在华传教士的活动。

对思想“先贤”康德和赫尔德及其与中国的渊源，以及他们对现代中国和中国形象的形成发展所产生的影响本书也将专章论述（第七章）。最后在第八章将谈及一系列具有代表性的东普鲁士名人，包括自然科学家、作家、政治理论家、艺术家以及商人，他们当中有历史人物，但也不乏出生在东普鲁士，却并没有在那里成长的当代名人。本章提到的历史名人有天文学家、数学家尼古拉·哥白尼，数学家、物理学家克里斯蒂安·哥德巴赫，大卫·希尔伯特，赫尔曼·闵可夫斯基和阿诺德·索末菲，女版画家、雕塑家凯绥·珂勒惠支，女政治理论家汉娜·阿伦特，女革命家王安娜，还有出生于东普鲁士的共产国际代表亚瑟·埃韦特和亚瑟·伊尔纳（别名理查德·施塔尔曼）及其在中国的活动，以色列女政治家、作家利亚·拉宾，外交家阿瑟·齐默尔曼也在此列；当代名人则包括建筑师福尔克温·玛格，雕塑家、装置艺术家胡拜图斯·凡·登·高兹，电子音乐的先锋人物、“橘梦乐团”创始人埃德加·福乐斯以及美国传奇蓝调摇滚乐队“荒原狼”主唱约阿希姆·弗里茨·克劳雷达特（约翰·凯）等。出现在本书中的还有海因里希·冯·克莱斯特和托马斯·曼的东普鲁士岁月，著名的尼达艺术家之村，以及多位在中国曾经或依然被关注研究（接受）的东普鲁士名人，他们当中有同中国有生意往来的商贾，也有二战中既在东普鲁士又在中国抗日战场参战的苏联元帅。部分苏联军队在东普鲁士的表现一定程度上与其1945年在中国东北的所作所为相似，这一切分别存留在德国和中国民众的集体记忆里，或许正是这些使许多中国人在面对东普鲁士平民的悲剧时多少有些感同身受。

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        本书并不着力探究普鲁士与中国交往的历史，对此学者们已有著述，这里更多关注的是与那个曾经属于德国，如今分属俄罗斯、波兰和立陶宛的省份，以及与此相关的记忆形象和他（它）们与中国的缘分，既包括与中国有联系的人物、中国问题学者、高级军官、外交官、传教士、建筑师，也包括出生在东普鲁士的思想家、科学家、艺术家、作家和诗人对中国产生的影响，还有那些研究解读他们思想精神的中国人，以及当地犹太人逃亡中国的历史等。本书无意全面探究所有这些联系，对笔者而言关键是对这些记忆形象的收录整理，不拘泥于细节，本来写作初衷就是以勾勒轮廓框架为先，勘明趋势与特征，并非还原事件经过。全书内容嵌在传记式的家族记忆框架里，读者可由此窥探笔者同中国、同东普鲁士之间的渊源，进而了解在探究这一主题过程中笔者的个人追求、兴趣和希冀，这些传记性内容见于本书第二章，第三章则是在此框架下对“故乡”概念的简短反思——探讨究竟何为“故乡”。总之，撰写这本书是一次尝试，尝试记录东普鲁士乃至德国的一段历史，一段至今仍未受到足够重视，未足够曝光的历史，寄望以这种方式去丰富东普鲁士的记忆文化。

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       东普鲁士在其历史上既是一个多民族地区，也是一个移民地区。条顿骑士团（亦称德意志骑士团）东征前，西波罗的海沿岸地区生活着古普鲁士人。在骑士团间或野蛮的殖民过程中，来自德意志帝国的拓荒者不断涌入，此外还有斯堪的纳维亚人、瑞士人、波兰人、俄罗斯人、捷克人、法国人和受洗的立陶宛人，他们与当地原住民聚居融合，14世纪又有不少马祖里人、立陶宛人和鲁提尼人迁居于此。随着15世纪条顿骑士团历经一系列损失惨重的战役走向没落，来自波兰、俄国和立陶宛的移民在此安家落户。伴随着宗教改革运动，欧洲第一个新教国家普鲁士公国建立，更广泛的宗教自由吸引了整个欧洲的新教和加尔文教派信徒，他们不仅来自德意志帝国，还从波兰、立陶宛、荷兰、法国（胡格诺教派信徒）、苏格兰、俄国、奥匈帝国迁徙而来，甚至还有主要由俄国而来的犹太人。

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        17世纪塔塔尔族人的袭扰和1709年至1711年间泛滥的鼠疫造成东普鲁士全境人口锐减，于是普鲁士国王着力推动瑞士加尔文派信徒以及萨尔兹堡的新教流亡者来本国定居，这两大群体中的大部分人都是熟练工匠。此举造成东普鲁士居民来源复杂多样，使建立德语教育机构和使用德语授课成为促进这些移民群体统一与融合的手段，这个目标遂成为腓特烈·威廉一世1713年引入普通义务教育的原因之一。

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        无论是当地非德意志的原生民族，还是来自四面八方的移民，都为东普鲁士增添了新的元素，对它产生了影响，进而在这片土地上留下各自的印迹，为其发展和多元化贡献了自己的力量。此外，在东普鲁士的历史上，该地区始终与波兰、俄国和波罗的海诸国保持着紧密的关系和深入的交流。对此阿明·缪勒-斯塔尔是这样说的：交织在一起的关系网“层层叠叠，密密实实”，在造就多元文化精英方面功不可没。

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Jackson-Stops, Gervase (ed.) The Fashioning and Functioning of the British Country House, Studies in the History of Art 25. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1989.

Kerr, Rose. “Missionary Reports on the Production of Porcelain in China.”Oriental Art, 47: 5 (2001): 36-37.

Kowaleski-Wallace, Elizabeth. Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the 18th Century. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.

Laird, Mark (ed.). Mrs Delany and her Circle. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009.

Langley, Batty. Practical Geometry, Applied to the Useful Arts of Building. London: W. & J. Innys and J. Osborn, 1726.

Llanover, Lady (ed.) The Autobiography and Correspondence of Mary Granville, Mrs. Delany, 6 vols. London, 1860-61.

Lévi-Strauss Claude. Le Cru et le cuit. Paris : Plon, 1964.

Locke, John. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding.1690. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2004.

Lunsingh Scheurleer. T.H. “Documents on the Furnishing of Kensington House.”Walpole Society 38 (1960-1962): 15-58.

Minguet, Philippe. L’Esthétique du rococo. Paris: Vrin, 1966.

Moore, Edward (ed.). The World n° 38 (20 September 1753).

Murdoch, Tessa. Noble Households. Eighteenth-Century Inventories of Great English Houses. Cambridge: John Adamson, 2006.

Ostergard, Derek (ed.). William Beckford, 1760-1844: An Eye for the Magnificent. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001.

Park, William. The Idea of Rococo. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993.

Pierson, Stacey. Collectors, Collections and Museums: The Field of Chinese Ceramics in Britain, 1560-1960. Bern: Peter Lang, 2007.

Pietz William. “The Problem of the Fetish, I.”Res 9 (Spring 1985). 5-17
DOI : 10.1086/RESv9n1ms20166719

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Pomian, Krzysztof. Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux, Paris, Venise : xvie-xviiie siècle, Paris : Gallimard, 1987.

Porter, David. The Chinese Taste in England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

---. ”Monstrous Beauty: Eighteenth-Century Fashion and the Aesthetics of the Chinese Taste.“Eighteenth-Century Studies 35:3 (2002): 395-411.

Rigby, Douglas and Elizabeth Rigby. Lock, Stock, and Barrel: The Story of Collecting. London: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1944.

Smith, Charles Saumarez. The Rise of Design: Design and the Domestic Interior in Eighteenth-Century England. London: Pimlico, 2000.

Shaftesbury, Earl of. Soliloquy: or, Advice to an Author. London: John Morphew, 1710.

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Sloboda, Stacey. ”Porcelain Bodies: Gender, Acquisitiveness and Taste in 18th-century England.“. In Material Cultures, 1740-1920. Eds. John Potvin and Alla Myzelev. London: Ashgate, 2009. 1-36.

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The china closet can also be read in terms of architecture, as a monument to the idea of rococo. If natural science was given pride of place in the space of the closet, the feminine accents of the rococo style also sprang up in the curvaceous lines of rocks, shells and porcelain dishes completed by glittering ornaments. Shells and porcelain have traditionally stood for women, as the well-documented comparison between women and porcelain throughout the 18th century testifies.29 The china closet, either a simple cabinet or a room, can be understood as a sign of the feminisation and rococo-isation of interior decoration. The idea of rococo pervaded 18th century European culture and, despite contrasted views of scholarship about its periodisation, may be seen to emerge in the early 18th century and evolve until the late 1760s.30 The rococo style has been assumed to have reached England in the decorative arts in the 1740s but the new hybrid genre of the novel, characterised by its interplay of various literary sources and genres (romances, drama, biographies, histories) has also been identified with the idea of rococo.31 The aspect of the china closet adorned with shells, a result of female handicraft, may not strictly correspond to the lavish rococo interior decoration of a French 18th-century boudoir, but signals, I am suggesting, the rococo-isation of English interiors. Arguably, the scantiness of surviving evidence about the display of female china closets, glimpsed though examples in female correspondence or diaries, only leads to hypothetical interpretations. However, the numerous satires on the fashion for female china closets found in the periodical press of the period help reconstruct a practice that must have been popular among the aristocracy and wealthy middle classes. I propose here to examine the rococo aesthetic of the female china closet by crossing contemporary references to real china closets with an analysis of two periodical essays, the first from The Spectator published in 1712, the second being the essay previously cited (The World, 38), published in 1753. This comparative study will enable me to show the evolution of the rococo’s imprint on English interiors.

In Joseph Addison’s Spectator essay number 37, dated 12 April 1712, the fictional persona of Mr. Spectator recounts his visit to an aristocratic widow’s library. The essay aligns Leonora’s reading tastes with female chinamania, depicting the lady’s library, in the narrator’s eyes, as a hybrid and counter-natural piece of furniture decorated with Chinese porcelain:

At the End of the Folio’s (which were finely bound and gilt) were great Jars of China placed one above another in a very noble piece of Architecture. The Quarto’s were separated from the Octavo’s by a pile of smaller vessels, which rose in a delightful Pyramid. The Octavo’s were bounded by Tea dishes of all shapes, colours and Sizes, which were so disposed on a wooden Frame, that they looked like one continued Pillar indented with the finest Strokes of Sculpture, and stained with the greatest Variety of Dyes. That Part of the Library which was designed for the reception of Plays and Pamphlets, and other loose Papers, was enclosed in a kind of square, consisting of one of the prettiest Grotesque Works that ever I saw, and was made up of Scaramouches, Lions, Monkies, Mandarines, Trees, Shells, and a thousand other off Figures in China Ware[…]. I was wondefully pleased with such a mixt kind of furniture, as seemed very suitable both to the Lady and the Scholar, and did not know at first whether I should fancy my self in a Grotto, or in a Library.

Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

自西方历史上著名的旅游书《马可·波罗游记》诞生以后，西方与中国的往来就日渐频繁：  从15世纪末起，中国的瓷器在欧洲大受欢迎，紧接着是青铜器、漆器、象牙雕刻、绘画及家具，中国的茶叶和丝绸也成了欧洲市场上的紧俏商品。数以千计的冒险家、士兵、传教士、海员及学者，当然人数最多的是商人，来到中国。之后将无数艺术珍品带回欧洲，瞬间席卷交易市场，而各家旧大陆博物馆都得以极大地丰富了藏品，可惜它们并未对藏品质量进行筛选。这些被带回的艺术品大多被卖给了一些精致讲究的享乐主义者，而不是艺术家或艺术研究者。 由于仍缺乏对中国艺术的研究，商人购买时并不在意作品的艺术性，是否极具异域风情才是他们的评判标准。

19世纪，东亚艺术史学家奥斯卡·明斯特伯格在环游世界的旅行之后，在一次聚会与深谙艺术的同好们交流中，迸发灵感： 他计划收集到尽可能丰富的研究资料，整理归类现有的珍贵图片，在客观描述规模宏大的文献资料以外，对原作给出一些自己的评论，来还原一个较为完整的中国艺术史。

奥斯卡·明斯特伯格（Oskar Münsterberg）出生于但泽（现属波兰）的一个犹太人家庭，父亲莫里茨·明斯特伯格是一位商人，母亲安娜·伯恩哈迪是画家。父母的职业对他后来的发展道路有着极其深远的影响。明斯特伯格分别于慕尼黑和弗赖堡修习国民经济学和艺术史，从弗莱堡大学毕业后，他前往德国首都柏林，于1906年成为《德国民族报》总编。

三年后他转战莱比锡，就职成为一家出版社的社长。1912年，他重返柏林，主持哈格尔伯格出版社的主要工作。 在此期间，明斯特伯格曾多次因公来到东亚，对当地的人文产生浓厚兴趣并出版了一系列相关书籍。

第一部巨著《日本艺术史》（第一卷）于1904年问世，至1907年为止共出版三卷。 1895年发表论文《中国的改革——东亚历史政治与国民经济研究》，为他对中国艺术史的研究打下了坚实的基础，1910—1912年间，他的第二部煌煌巨著《中国艺术史》出版了。

《中国艺术史》是19世纪德国东亚艺术史学家奥斯卡·明斯特伯格的力作，系统阐释了中国辉煌博大的艺术史。 原著涵盖了从石器时代至清代的中国古代建筑、雕塑、绘画、青铜器、陶瓷、手工艺品等内容，共收录1034幅彩色图版及黑白插图和照片，每幅图片均详述器物名称、尺寸、收藏者信息等。

原著为德文版，分为两卷，分别于1910年、1912 年首次出版。两卷内容各有侧重。第一卷收录321幅黑白图版和15幅彩色图版，从历史的纵向发展，即从新石器时代至清末，诠释了中国艺术风格演化的逻辑和特质；作者又以佛教传入中国为分界线，通过中外古代石刻、青铜器、陶器、绘画、雕塑等作品，呈现了中西方三千年来在艺术上的对话交流。

第二卷分为建筑艺术和工艺美术两大部分，收录675幅黑白图版和23幅彩色图版，涵盖了中国古代建筑、青铜器、陶瓷、宝石制品、印刷品、织物、漆器与木器、琉璃、珐琅、犀角、玳瑁、琥珀、象牙等器物近1200件，通过艺术作品本身所展现的审美趣味，厘清中国艺术的发展脉络。

因原著两卷在内容上各有侧重，且论述角度不同，本次出版在保留原书完整内容的基础上，对编辑体例进行了调整，将原著两卷分别以《中西艺术交流3000年》和《中国艺术3000年》为名，单独成册出版。

在19世纪初，这部作品尝试系统地阐述中国艺术语言及其表现形式的发展历史，这在当时的学界应是史无前例的。 将其翻译、出版，对于促进学术研究和文化交流，以及了解和研究近代中国问题具有重要参考价值。

The China Folk House Retreat is a Chinese folk house in Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, United States, reconstructed from its original location in Yunnan in China. A non-profit organization dismantled and rebuilt it piece by piece with the goal to improve U.S. understanding of Chinese culture.

History
John Flower, director of Sidwell Friends School's Chinese studies program, and his wife Pamela Leonard started bringing students to Yunnan in 2012 as part of a China fieldwork program. In 2014 Flower, Leonard, and their students found the house in a small village named Cizhong (Chinese: 茨 中) in Jianchuan County of Yunnan, China. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, they brought dozens of 11th and 12th-grade students to Yunnan to experience the cultural and natural environment of this province every spring. The architectural style of this house is a blend of Han, Bai, Naxi and Tibetan styles.

The Cizhong Village is located in eastern Himalaya, alongside the Mekong River. It has a long history of Sino-foreign cultural exchanges. The Paris Foreign Missions Society established the Cizhong Catholic Church in 1867. When they visited the village, Zhang Jianhua, owner of the house, invited them to his home. Zhang told them that the house was built in 1989, and would be flooded by a new hydroelectric power station. While the government built a new house for him one kilometer away, Flower came up with the idea of dismantling the house and rebuilding it in the United States. This house was built using mortise and tenon structure, which made it easy to be dismantled.

Logistics
Flower and his students visited Zhang several times and eventually bought the house from him. After measurements and photographing, the whole house was dismantled, sent to Tianjin and shipped to Baltimore, and finally to West Virginia. Since 2017, they have spent several years rebuilding the house in Harpers Ferry, at the Friends Wilderness Center, following the traditional Chinese method of building. For the development of this project, Flower and Leonard formed the China Folk House Retreat.

The china closet and, by extension, the Lady’s dressing room where oriental porcelain was displayed, were often compared to an oriental temple, but were also seen as an emblematic temple of femininity. The female closet where porcelain, shells and sometimes books, were stored served as an instrument of female sociability, an intimate gynocentric space where women could exchange their knowledge and expertise. The visits paid by women to their respective homes often led to the inspection of the china closet and fuelled discussions on porcelain. Lady Dashwood, for example, asked for Mrs Philip Lybbe Powys’s opinion on oriental porcelain displayed in her china closet at Kirtlington Park: “Her Ladyship said she must try my judgment in china, as she ever did all the visitors of that closet, as there was one piece there so much superior to the others. I thought myself fortunate that a prodigious fine old Japan dish almost at once struck my eye”(Climenson 198). The china cabinet functioned as a female museum, as was explained in an essay from the World:

You are not to suppose that all this profusion of ornament is only to gratify her own curiosity: it is meant as a preparative to the greatest happiness of life, that of seeing company. And I assure you she gives above twenty entertainments in a year to people for whom she has no manner of regard, for no other reason in the world than to shew them the house. [I am] continually driven from room to room, to give opportunity from strangers to admire it. But as we have lately missed a favourite Chinese tumbler, and some other valuable moveables, we have entertained thoughts of confining the shew to one day in the week, and of admitting no persons whatsoever without tickets.

The exchange and display of porcelain allowed women to circumscribe an artistic practice and field of expertise of their own. It gave them authority in the realm of domestic interior decoration as well as in that of scientific knowledge. In her analysis of the Duchess of Portland’s collection of porcelain and shells, Stacey Sloboda has shown how the collection and display of naturalia ‒shells‒ and artificialia –porcelain‒ connected natural history to art, and argued that porcelain occupied an intermediary position, as both exotic curiosity and manufactured object, “complicat[ing] the binary of ”raw“ imperial specimens versus ”cooked“ Western objects of connoisseurship” (Sloboda 467). The china closet decorated with shells thus merged natural history and decorative arts. It can also be read, I suggest, in terms of narration and architecture. Women read exotic stories on the surfaces of oriental porcelain but the authority they exerted over the display of porcelain wares also transformed them into authors. David Porter has argued that the decorative patterns of transitional porcelain wares of the Ming and early Qing dynasties often represented women in ideal garden scenes. He proposes to read these scenes of female communities evolving in peaceful natural surroundings depicted on Chinese porcelain as contemporaneous analogues of female utopias and Sapphic literary works that developed in English literature in the last decades of the 17th and early 18th centuries. Porcelain surfaces read by elite women nurtured their dreams of female academies, retreats and friendly communities.

Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

Il Milione è il resoconto dei viaggi in Asia di Marco Polo, intrapresi assieme al padre Niccolò Polo e allo zio paterno Matteo Polo, mercanti e viaggiatori veneziani, tra il 1271 e il 1295, e le sue esperienze alla corte di Kublai Khan, il più grande sovrano orientale dell'epoca, del quale Marco fu al servizio per quasi 17 anni.

Il libro fu scritto da Rustichello da Pisa, un autore di romanzi cavallereschi, che trascrisse sotto dettatura le memorie rievocate da Marco Polo, mentre i due si trovavano nelle carceri di San Giorgio a Genova.

Rustichello adoperò la lingua franco-veneta, una lingua culturale diffusa nel Nord Italia tra la fascia subalpina e il basso Po. Un'altra versione fu scritta in lingua d'oïl, la lingua franca dei crociati e dei mercanti occidentali in Oriente, forse nel 1298 ma sicuramente dopo il 1296. Secondo alcuni ricercatori, il testo sarebbe poi stato rivisto dallo stesso Marco Polo una volta rientrato a Venezia, con la collaborazione di alcuni frati dell'Ordine dei Domenicani.

Considerato un capolavoro della letteratura di viaggio, Il Milione è anche un'enciclopedia geografica, che riunisce in volume le conoscenze essenziali disponibili alla fine del XIII secolo sull'Asia, e un trattato storico-geografico.[5] È stato scritto che «Marco si rivolge a tutti quelli che vogliono sapere: sapere quello che c'è al di là delle frontiere della vecchia Europa. Non mette il suo libro sotto il segno dell'utile, ma sotto il segno della conoscenza».

Rispetto ad altre relazioni di viaggio scritte nel corso del XIII secolo, come la Historia Mongalorum di Giovanni da Pian del Carpine e l'Itinerarium di Guglielmo di Rubruck, Il Milione fu eccezionale perché le sue descrizioni si spingevano ben oltre il Karakorum e arrivarono fino al Catai. Marco Polo testimoniò l'esistenza di una civiltà mongola stanziale e molto sofisticata, assolutamente paragonabile alle civiltà europee: i mongoli, insomma, non erano solo i nomadi "selvaggi" che vivevano a cavallo e si spostavano in tenda, di cui avevano parlato Giovanni da Pian del Carpine e Guglielmo di Rubruck, ma abitavano città murate, sapevano leggere, e avevano usi e costumi molto sofisticati. Così come Guglielmo di Rubruck, invece, Marco smentisce alcune leggende sull'Asia di cui gli Europei all'epoca erano assolutamente certi.

Il Milione è stato definito come "la descrizione geografica, storica, etnologica, politica, scientifica (zoologia, botanica, mineralogia) dell'Asia medievale".Le sue descrizioni contribuirono alla compilazione del Mappamondo di Fra Mauro e ispirarono i viaggi di Cristoforo Colombo.

Baroque painting is the painting associated with the Baroque cultural movement. The movement is often identified with Absolutism, the Counter Reformation and Catholic Revival,[1][2] but the existence of important Baroque art and architecture in non-absolutist and Protestant states throughout Western Europe underscores its widespread popularity.[3]

Baroque painting encompasses a great range of styles, as most important and major painting during the period beginning around 1600 and continuing throughout the 17th century, and into the early 18th century is identified today as Baroque painting. In its most typical manifestations, Baroque art is characterized by great drama, rich, deep colour, and intense light and dark shadows, but the classicism of French Baroque painters like Poussin and Dutch genre painters such as Vermeer are also covered by the term, at least in English.[4] As opposed to Renaissance art, which usually showed the moment before an event took place, Baroque artists chose the most dramatic point, the moment when the action was occurring: Michelangelo, working in the High Renaissance, shows his David composed and still before he battles Goliath; Bernini's Baroque David is caught in the act of hurling the stone at the giant. Baroque art was meant to evoke emotion and passion instead of the calm rationality that had been prized during the Renaissance.

Among the greatest painters of the Baroque period are Velázquez, Caravaggio,[5] Rembrandt,[6] Rubens,[7] Poussin,[8] and Vermeer.[9] Caravaggio is an heir of the humanist painting of the High Renaissance. His realistic approach to the human figure, painted directly from life and dramatically spotlit against a dark background, shocked his contemporaries and opened a new chapter in the history of painting. Baroque painting often dramatizes scenes using chiaroscuro light effects; this can be seen in works by Rembrandt, Vermeer, Le Nain and La Tour. The Flemish painter Anthony van Dyck developed a graceful but imposing portrait style that was very influential, especially in England.

The prosperity of 17th century Holland led to an enormous production of art by large numbers of painters who were mostly highly specialized and painted only genre scenes, landscapes, still lifes, portraits or history paintings. Technical standards were very high, and Dutch Golden Age painting established a new repertoire of subjects that was very influential until the arrival of Modernism.

The detail of the possessions of the Antonie family at their estate at Colworth House in Sharnbrook (Bedfordshire) in the 18th century, recorded in successive inventories, provides an interesting illustration of men’s taste for porcelain. Marc Antonie was steward to the Duke of Montagu. In 1715, he bought the Colworth estate from John Wagstaff, citizen and mercer of the City of London, who had previously bought it from the Montagus. The Antonies had invested money in the South Sea stock, which resulted in the family’s financial collapse when the South Sea Bubble burst. After Marc Antonie’s death in 1720, the 1723 inventory was made with a view to selling the furniture to get the family out of debt. The presence in the inventory of porcelain dishes and basins exported from China reflects how the fashion for porcelain was connected to the ever more fashionable practice of drinking another Chinese product, tea and, to a lesser degree, coffee. The inventory records a “cheany & Teatable” in the North Parlour, advertised for £ 6 14s, and in the Hall “10 little Cheany plates that sold for £ 1 5s, 6 larg [sic] Cheany Dishes £ 1 15s, 4 Cheany Basons, Cheany mugs and Delf Dishes, Cheany Cassters and Cheany”.

The second inventory of 1771 was made after the death of Marc Antonie’s youngest son, Richard, on 26 November 1771. Richard Antonie had inherited the estate in 1768 after John’s death, Marc Antonie’s eldest son. He first established himself as a draper and then moved on to Jamaica in 1748 where he owned a sugar plantation. The furnishings of the house listed in the 1771 inventory were mostly purchased by Richard and some pieces by John Antonie. They give a good indication of the type of furnishing found in the 1760s in a country house, and, as James Collett-White points out, “reflect what a country gentleman with London connections might have purchased and collected”. 

Ornamental and functional porcelain figures prominently in the inventory. Antonie had an unusually large collection of china. In the two parlours and three of the four principal bedrooms were 125 pieces of ornamental china. The inventory does not mention the provenance of the pieces and it is highly probable these porcelains were not all of Chinese origin, but would have also come from continental centres such as Delft, Meissen and France, and also from English porcelain factories such as Derby, Worcester and Bow. Non-functional porcelain was completed by a huge number of porcelain plates and dishes which were kept in the “china closet”. Two “dragon china” dishes and “Nankeen basins” get mentioned in the inventory, which confirms the presence of Chinese export porcelain in Antonie’s collection. The taste for Chinese-styled indoor and outdoor decoration, which blended authentic Chinese wares with chinoiserie, gained momentum in the century, reaching a peak in the 1750s and 1760s16. Antonie had a particular liking for chinoiserie, as he commissioned a gate or possibly a low fence of oak railings to be made in the Chinese style, which he mentioned in his notes: “Richard Antonie made a New China Work the front of his house.”It thus appears very likely that he would have collected Chinese porcelain to complement the Chinese theme set up outside his house.

The foundation of the East India Company in 1600 made direct trade with China possible and led to an increase in English imports of Chinese wares. Although Chinese porcelain started to reach England in higher quantities at that time, they continued to be considered as precious exotica worthy of display in cabinets of curiosities. Most Chinese porcelain imported in the 17th century consisted of blanc-de-Chine and blue and white ware. Brown Yixing stoneware was also imported, as well as monochrome-glazed porcelain1. In the middle of the 17th century, direct trade with China was hampered by wars of succession within the Chinese empire, which led the East India Company to find other indirect ways of buying Chinese porcelain, and also, from 1657, to turn to Japan for more supplies in porcelain. The imports of Japanese overglazed enamelled porcelain in England provided collectors with porcelain ware of a new type: colours and new compositional patterns hitherto unknown entered English interiors2. Europe’s long-lasting fascination for porcelain can be ascribed to its beauty, its exotic provenance and the secrets surrounding its fabrication. Indeed, the manufacture of porcelain remained a mystery until the 18th century in Europe, when the alchemist Johann Böttger first succeeded in creating a porcelain body of the same type as that made in China for the Meissen factory. Until that time, porcelain had been thought to come from shells. The original Italian term porcellana, meaning “conch shell”, reflects this long-held belief3. At the end of the 17th century, speculations about its composition still ran high, as is shown by Captain William Dampier’s remark on the origin of porcelain:

The Spaniards of Manila, that we took on the Coast of Luconia, told me, that this Commodity is made of Conch-shells; the inside of which looks like Mother of Pearl. But the Portuguese lately mentioned, who had lived in China, and spoke that and the neighbouring Languages very well, said, that it was made of a fine sort of Clay that was dug in the Province of Canton. I have often made enquiry about it, but could never be well satisfied in it. 

The association between porcelain and shells was further evidenced in the common practice of displaying shells and porcelain together in the 17th and 18th centuries. The Duchess of Portland had a famous collection of shells and of unique pieces of porcelain, an association which contributed to blurring the boundary between naturalia and artificialia

Porcelain first occupied a non-functional status in the cabinets of rarities and curiosities of English aristocrats5. The famous collector John Tradescant published in 1656 the first catalogue of his collection, which listed “idols from India, China and other pagan lands”6. He also possessed porcelain, some mounted with silver and gold. In the 17th century, rare and precious porcelain items were often mounted with expensive metalwork, a practice that was common throughout Europe. The Duchess of Cleveland’s collection, which was sold in France in 1672, contained very fine Chinese and Japanese pieces, according to the Mercure Galant in July 1678 : “l’élite des plus belles porcelaines que plusieurs vaisseaux de ce pays [l’Angleterre] y avaient apportées pendant plusieurs années de tous les lieux, où ils avaient accès pour leur commerce.”The Duchess’s finest porcelain pieces were gilt-mounted : “il y en avait d’admirables par leurs figures, par les choses qui étaient représentées dessus et par la diversité de leurs couleurs. Les plus rares étaient montées d’or ou de vermeil doré et garnies diversement de la même manière en plusieurs endroits”7. The adding of expensive, luxurious silver or gold mounts to the porcelain body of an object visually reinforced the latter’s precious status in the cabinet of curiosities. It also celebrated the transformative powers of artistic creation. Not unlike the popular mounted nautilus cup that stood in cabinets of rarities and curiosities, mounted porcelain held the reference to its artistic manufacture together with the allusion to its natural origin. The perceived shell-like substance of the object had undergone two transformations: it had first been moulded and fired by Oriental craftsmen to be turned into a piece of porcelain, and had then been further transformed and enhanced with precious metal by European craftsmen. Porcelain wares thus fitted into larger collections which included naturalia and artificialia, classical works of art, antiquities as well as more unusual curiosities. Although the passion for collecting porcelain was already closely connected to the realm of the feminine in the 17th century, it would be wrong to assume that men did not collect oriental porcelain. On a visit to a Mr Bohun on 30 July 1682 at Lee in Kent, John Evelyn noted the couple’s joint appreciation of Chinese and Japanese wares. The house possessed a lacquered cabinet, and it is likely that the lady’s cabinet which gets mentioned, was a china closet:

Went to visit our good neighbour, Mr. Bohun whose whole house is a cabinet of all elegancies, especially Indian; in the hall are contrivances of Japan screens, instead of wainscot; […] The landscapes of the screens represent the manner of living, and country of the Chinese. But, above all, his lady’s cabinet is adorned on the fret, ceiling, and chimney-piece, with Mr. Gibbons’ best carving. (Bray ed. 173). Quelle:Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.

1 Acknowledgements: The author wishes to thank the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art, London, for providing support for work on this article through the grant of a postdoctoral fellowship.

See Jennifer Chen, Julie Emerson and Mimi Gates, eds., Porcelain Stories: From China to Europe (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2000) ; John Ayers, et al., Porcelain for Palaces: the Fashion for Japan in Europe 1650-1750 (London: Oriental Ceramic Society, 2001) For a history of the imports and collections of Chinese porcelain see chapter 1 of Stacey Pierson, Collectors, Collections and Museums: The Field of Chinese Ceramics in Britain, 1560-1960, (Bern: Peter Lang, 2007).

2 Oliver Impey, “Japanese Export Porcelain”, in Porcelain for Palaces, 25-35.

3 Rose Kerr, “Missionary Reports on the Production of Porcelain in China”, Oriental Art, 47. 5 (2001): 36-37.

4 For a definition of these terms, see Krzysztof Pomian, Collectionneurs, amateurs et curieux, Paris, Venise : xvie-xviiie siècle, Paris, Gallimard, 1987.

5 Anna Somers Cocks, “The Nonfunctional Use of Ceramics in the English Country House During the Eighteenth Century”, in Gervase Jackson-Stops, et al., The Fashioning and Functioning of the British Country House, Studies in the History of Art 25 (New Haven: Yale UP. 1989).

6 The collection bore the name “the Museum Tradescantium or a Collection of Rarities Preserved at South Lambert neer London by John Tradescant of London”. Cited in Douglas Rigby, and Elizabeth Rigby, Lock, Stock, and Barrel: the story of collecting (London: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1944), 234.

7 Mercure Galant (juillet 1678), cited in Hélène Belevitch-Stankevitch, Le Goût chinois en France. 1910. (Genève: Slatkine, 1970), 149.

8 See John Ayers in Oliver Impey and Arthur MacGregor, eds., The Origins of Museums: The Cabinet of Curiosities in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1985), 256-266 and Oliver Impey, “Collecting Oriental Porcelain in Britain in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries”, in The Burghley Porcelains, an Exhibition from the Burghley House Collection and Based on the 1688 Inventory and 1690 Devonshire Schedule (New York: Japan Society 1990), 36-43.

9 See Pierson 31-33.

10 See Oliver Impey, “Porcelain for Palaces”, in Porcelain for Palaces, 56-69.

11 Cited in Joan Wilson, “A Phenomenon of Taste: the Chinaware of Queen Mary II” Apollo 126 (August 1972): 122. For the decoration of Kensington Palace, see Rosenfeld Shulsky, “The Arrangement of the Porcelain and Delftware Collection of Queen Mary in Kensington Palace,” American Ceramic Circle Journal 8 (1990): 51-74; T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, “Documents on the Furnishing of Kensington House,” Walpole Society 38 (1960-1962): 15-58, and Oliver Impey and Johanna Marshner, “ʽChina Mania’: A Reconstruction of Queen Mary II’s Display of East Asian Artefacts in Kensington Palace in 1693”, Orientations (November 1998).

12 For more information on the arrangement of porcelain in these rooms, see Robert J. Charleston, “Porcelain as a Room Decoration in Eighteenth-Century England,” Magazine Antiques 96 (1969): 894- 96.

13 Impey, and Ayers, Porcelain for Palaces, 56-57.

14 Hilary Young, English Porcelain, 1745-1795: its Makers, Design, Marketing and Consumption. (London: Victoria and Albert Publications, 1999), 167-69.

15 See Tessa Murdoch, Noble Households. Eighteenth century inventories of great English houses, (Cambridge: John Adamson, 2006).

16 For studies on chinoiserie, see Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: the Vision of Cathay (London, 1961); Oliver Impey, Chinoiserie: the Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration (London, 1977); Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Dragons, clochettes, pagodes et mandarins: Influence et representation de la Chine dans la culture britannique du dix-huitième siècle (1685-1798)”, unpublished PhD thesis, Université Paris 7 Denis Diderot, Paris, 2006 ; David Porter, The Chinese Taste in England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

17 Collett-White 48.

18 The poem depicts the drowning of Walpole’s cat Selima while attempting to catch a goldfish in the porcelain tub. For a study of Walpole’s ceramic collection, see Timothy Wilson, “ʽPlaythings Still?’ Horace Walpole as a Collector of Ceramics,” in Michael Snodin and Cynthia Roman, eds., Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill (New Haven, CT: Yale U.P, 2009).

19 For more information on Beckford’s collections, see Derek Ostergard, ed., William Beckford, 1760-1844: An Eye for the Magnificent (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001).

20 See Craig Clunas, ed., Chinese Export Art and Design (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1987).

21 John Stalker and George Parker, Treatise of Japanning and Varnishing Being a Complete Discovery of these Arts. (Oxford, 1688), Preface.

22 Sigmund Freud, “Fetishism,” in Adam Phillips, ed., Sigmund Freud: the Penguin Reader, (London: Penguin Books, 2006), 91-93.

23 The World n°38 (20 September 1753).

24 I draw here upon William Pietz’s anthropological study of the history and origin of the term “fetish”. See his articles on the subject, “The Problem of the Fetish, I,” Res 9 (Spring 1985), and “The Problem of the Fetish, II: the Origin of the Fetish,” Res 13 (Spring 1987).

25 The World No. 38 (20 September 1753).

26 See Chapter 3 in David Porter’s The Chinese Taste in England, 57- 93.

27 Catherine Lahaussois uses the expression “broderies de porcelaine” in Antoinette Hallé, De l’immense au minuscule. La virtuosité en céramique, (Paris : Paris musées, 2005) 48.

28 For a study of the Duchess of Portland’s passion for conchology, see Beth Fowkes Tobin, “The Duchess's Shells: Natural History Collecting, Gender, and Scientific Practice”, in Maureen Daly Goggin and Beth Fowkes Tobin, eds., Material Women, 1750-1950 (London: Ashgate, 2009), 301-325.

29 See Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the 18th Century (New York: Columbia UP, 1997) 20-29; David Porter, “Monstrous Beauty: Eighteenth-Century Fashion and the Aesthetics of the Chinese Taste.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 35.3 (2002): 395-411.Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Frailty, thy Name is China: Women, Chinoiserie and the threat of low culture in 18th-century England”, Women’s History Review, 18.4 (Sept 2009): 659-668; Stacey Sloboda, “Porcelain Bodies: Gender, Acquisitiveness and Taste in 18th-century England”, in John Potvin and Alla Myzelev, eds., Material Cultures, 1740-1920 (London, 2009), 1-36.

30 William Park. The Idea of Rococo (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993), 75-77.

31 See chapter 4 in Parker’s The Idea of Rococo, 96-106. For a study of history of the rococo and its presence in English decorative arts, see Michael Snodin ed., Rococo Art and Design in Hogarth’s England (London: V&A Publication1984) and Charles Hind, ed., The Rococo in England. A symposium (London: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1986).

32 The Spectator no. 37, 12 April 1712.

33 Ibid.

34 “The senses at first let in particular ideas, and furnish the yet empty cabinet, and the mind by degrees growing familiar with some of them, they are lodged in the memory, and names got to them.” John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690) Book II, Chapter II, section 15.

35 Alain Bony, Léonora, Lydia et les autres : Etudes sur le (nouveau) roman (Lyon: PUL, 2004), 9-12.

36 Claude Lévi-Strauss, Le Cru et le cuit, (Paris : Plon, 1978).

37 Batty Langley, Practical Geometry, (1726), 101.

38 The World No. 38 (20 September 1753).

39 For a study of the sensualist aesthetic of chinoiserie, see Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “De l’exotisme au sensualisme: réflexion sur l’esthétique de la chinoiserie dans l’Angleterre du XVIIIe siècle”, in Georges Brunel ed., Pagodes et Dragons: exotisme et fantaisie dans l’Europe rococo (Paris Musées: Paris, 2007), 35-41.

40 Philippe Minguet, L’Esthétique du rococo. (Paris : Vrin, 1966).

41 See Vanessa Alayrac-Fielding, “Dragons, clochettes, pagodes et mandarins”, 103-119.

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Die von dem britischen Biochemiker Joseph Needham (1900–1995) initiierte und anfangs herausgegebene englischsprachige Buchreihe zur Wissenschaft und Kultur in China setzte neue Maßstäbe in der Beschäftigung mit China im Wissenschaftsbereich. Als Standardwerk zur chinesischen Wissenschafts- und Technikgeschichte veränderte es die Wahrnehmung Chinas durch die westliche Welt und lenkte die Aufmerksamkeit auf die historischen wissenschaftlichen und technologischen Leistungen Chinas. Joseph Needham hatte das von ihm initiierte Projekt von 1954 an bis zu seinem Tod 1995 koordiniert. Zu Lebzeiten erschienen 17 Bände, weitere sieben Bände wurden seither durch das von Needham begründete Needham Research Institute herausgegeben. Das Erscheinen weiterer Bände ist in Vorbereitung. Die Gesamtanlage des Werkes ist etwas schwer zu überblicken. Die folgende Übersicht erhebt keinen Anspruch auf Aktualität oder Vollständigkeit.